Herbert Marcuse, Father of 21st Century American “Justice” & His Proximity to the KGB

Dianna West | Diana W | Aug 17, 2026

I want to toss off a very heavy concept in the shorthand of social media. I know it will readily make sense to readers who already speak “American Betrayal,” but I also think the pieces link together within the context presented below.

It starts with a recent post (see below) on Twitter by Matt von Swol preparing readers for the likely dismissal of charges by a DA in Georgia against three black perpetrators caught on videotape beating a white man in a gas station parking lot — “for lack of evidence.” (The story by WTOC is here and the Soros-supported DA is here.) This promises to be a travesty like so many others, where charges shrink or disappear when the defendant is black or brown (by Marxist/Marcusian definition, the “victim”) and the plaintiff is white (by M/M definition, the “perpetrator” of capitalism/racism/white privilege). The videotaped stabbing murder of Irinya Zarutska, whose killer (a) should never have been on the streets and (b) is unlikely to face charges, springs to mind, hauntingly.

Are we looking at yet another “failure” of the justice system? Will the terms “hypocrisy” and “two-tier justice” echo once more across the public square? Such language, such thinking, is a wholly inadequate means to describe what is really underway.

The Twitter account Linuxhippie makes this very clear when he explains (also below) that the DA’s decision to drop the assault case is actually an instance of  “revolutionary activity” in the Marxist strategy of “repressive tolerance” to further the Marxist goal of overthrowing the United States. Really? Yes. Really. And be grateful for this bracing dose of reality. We are not used to such acute terms, but, for the sake of survival, or, at least, the survival of our faculties of reason, we should be.

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August 18, 2026 | 13 Comments »

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  2. two academics who advocated advocating welfare to make system collapse

    +2 The two academics are American sociologists Richard Cloward and Frances Fox Piven. In 1966, they proposed the Cloward–Piven strategy, which aimed to overload the public welfare system with applicants to create a political and economic crisis. They argued this overload would force the federal government to replace the current welfare setup with a guaranteed minimum income.Key Details of the StrategyThe Authors: Richard Cloward and Frances Fox Piven were professors at the Columbia University School of Social Work.The Publication: They outlined the concept in a 1966 article for The Nation titled “The Weight of the Poor: A Strategy to End Poverty”.The Mechanism: They urged a mass mobilization to sign up every person eligible for welfare benefits, intending to swamp local administrative systems.The Goal: They believed the resulting bureaucratic collapse and financial strain would compel a radical restructuring of national wealth redistribution and a guaranteed annual income.

    “piven clinton housing bubble collapse ”

    ” +9 Critics link the Clinton administration’s affordable housing mandates and the 1990s modifications to the Community Reinvestment Act to the 2008 housing crash. Some political commentators argue this was an intentional application of the Cloward-Piven strategy to overload and collapse the capitalist system, though mainstream economists reject this, citing financial deregulation and loose monetary policy instead.The Clinton Housing Policy ArgumentCRA and HUD Changes: Critics argue that 1995 updates to the Community Reinvestment Act and Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) quotas pushed lenders to lower down payment requirements and issue high-risk loans to low-income borrowers.GSE Quotas: The Clinton administration directed government-sponsored enterprises like Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac to purchase increasing shares of affordable-housing loans.The Cloward-Piven TheoryThe Strategy: Formulated by sociologists Richard Cloward and Frances Fox Piven in 1966, the original Cloward-Piven strategy proposed overloading the public welfare system with applicants to force a national crisis and a guaranteed minimum income.The 2008 Application Claim: During the Tea Party movement, some political commentators and media figures claimed that activists used the Cloward-Piven framework to push banks into systemic subprime lending, intentionally creating the 2008 real estate bubble and economic collapse.Mainstream Economic ConsensusAlternative Causes: Mainstream economists and financial crisis reports attribute the bubble collapse to a complex mix of low Federal Reserve interest rates, widespread predatory lending by private non-bank financial firms, a lack of derivatives oversight, and failures in credit-rating agencies.Dismissal of Intent: Historians and political scientists generally treat the Cloward-Piven housing narrative as a political theory or conspiracy claim rather than an actual driving mechanism of the 2008 financial crisis.”

    “piven at clinton inauguration ”

    ” Sociologist and political activist Frances Fox Piven was closely connected to the landmark 1993 legislative-executive events surrounding President Bill Clinton’s first term. While she did not speak at the swearing-in inaugural ceremony itself, she was a prominent guest at the White House later that year when President Clinton signed the National Voter Registration Act (the “Motor Voter” law) on May 20, 1993—legislation heavily inspired by the voter registration movement she and her husband Richard Cloward spearheaded.The Motor Voter Act SigningPiven attended the special White House ceremony as an honored guest and speaker.President Bill Clinton publicly recognized her foundational work and handed her one of the signing pens.The legislation added millions of voters by allowing registration at DMV offices, fulfilling years of grassroots advocacy by Piven and Cloward.”

    —

    From 2020:

    https://steube.house.gov/in-the-news/house-republicans-introduce-bill-to-repeal-motor-voter-law-over-fraud-fears/

  3. bill ayers from Communist, antizionist, terrorist to early childhood educator and political kingmaker as model for generations of activists

    +16 Bill Ayers serves as a prominent and highly controversial archetype for radical transformation, transitioning from a militant leader of the far-left Weather Underground in the 1960s to an influential professor of early childhood education and a fixture in Chicago’s progressive political landscape. His trajectory is viewed by critics as a dangerous example of radical ideologies embedding themselves within mainstream institutions. Conversely, sympathizers see it as a blueprint for sustaining lifelong activism.1. The Militant Era: The Weather UndergroundBefore his career in academia, Ayers sought the complete overthrow of the United States government:Militant Origins: In 1969, Ayers co-founded the Weather Underground, a self-described communist revolutionary group that broke away from the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS).Bombing Campaign: The group targeted public infrastructure, executing bombings at the Pentagon, the U.S. Capitol, and the New York City police headquarters to protest the Vietnam War.Fugitive Status: Ayers lived in hiding for years to evade federal authorities. The criminal charges against him were ultimately dropped due to illegal surveillance and systemic misconduct by the FBI.Public Perception: Ayers rejects the “terrorist” label, characterizing his past actions as acts of extreme vandalism directed strictly against property rather than people. Critics firmly reject this distinction, pointing to the inherent danger of explosives and the group’s open embrace of revolutionary violence.2. Mainstream Integration: Early Childhood EducatorUpon emerging from hiding, Ayers re-channeled his revolutionary framework into the American education system:Academic Credentials: He earned a doctorate in education and eventually became a Distinguished Professor of Education at the University of Illinois at Chicago.Pedagogical Influence: He authored numerous influential texts on pedagogy, such as To Teach: The Journey of a Teacher and Teaching Toward Freedom.Critical Frameworks: Through his work, Ayers championed “social justice education”. Conservative critics, including authors like Mary Grabar, argue that this approach serves as a vehicle to indoctrinate future teachers and implement a subvert-from-within strategy to attack capitalism and Western values.3. Local Infiltration: Political KingmakerRather than remaining on the political fringes, Ayers integrated into institutional politics:The Chicago Orbit: Ayers and his wife, Bernardine Dohrn, established themselves as influential figures within Chicago’s affluent, progressive Hyde Park neighborhood. He advised municipal leaders, including former Chicago Mayor Richard M. Daley.The Obama Controversy: Ayers’s political clout became a flashpoint during the 2008 presidential race. Opponents highlighted his early ties to Barack Obama—such as hosting an initial political gathering for Obama at his home and serving alongside him on the board of the Woods Fund of Chicago.Enduring Legacy: Decades later, his presence in high-profile political spaces remains notable; both Ayers and Dohrn attended the grand opening of the Obama Presidential Center in June 2026.Summary of PerspectivesPerspectiveView on Ayers’s TrajectoryCritics & Conservative AnalystsHe represents a chilling model of subversion, demonstrating how radicals can evade legal accountability, gain institutional authority, and shape public policy by influencing the education of future generations.Left-Wing Activists & SupportersHe serves as an example of tactical evolution, illustrating how individuals can transition from aggressive countercultural resistance to building sustainable, systemic change through institutions, writing, and community organizing.

  4. It was also home-grown by ideologues who had no KGB connections: Noam Chomsky, C. Wright Mills, Saul Alinsky, Rudi Dutscke. Their influence on the New Left and now DSA was enormous, as well. Though it really all goes back to Gramsci. Sort of.

    “Soviet Union Hebron Massacre of 1929 justification +1 The Soviet Union and its aligned communist organizations did not justify the 1929 Hebron Massacre as an anti-Jewish atrocity; instead, official Soviet and Comintern ideology framed the broader 1929 Palestine riots as an anti-imperialist, national-liberation uprising by Arab peasants against British rule and Zionist settlement.Soviet and Communist FramingAnti-Imperialist Lens: The Comintern (Communist International) viewed Arab nationalist resistance through the framework of class struggle against British imperialism.Justification of Violence: Communist propaganda at the time often rationalized or minimized violence against non-proletarian or religious Jewish communities (such as the non-Zionist old-Yishuv community in Hebron) by labeling them as tools or byproducts of capitalist colonization.Alignment with Local Nationalism: The Soviet apparatus instructed local communist parties—including the Communist Party of Palestine and sections within the American Communist Party—to support the Arab national movement, framing the riots as a legitimate revolutionary outburst rather than communal violence or a pogrom.”

  5. saul alinsky C. Wright Mills KGB New Left and Woke/DSA legacy

    +12 Saul Alinsky and C. Wright Mills provided the foundational tactical playbooks and critical sociology for modern American radicalism. While distinct from direct Soviet KGB influence, their emphasis on systemic critique and disruption shaped the New Left, which later bled into contemporary “woke” cultural frameworks and institutional strategies utilized by groups like the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA).Saul Alinsky and Practical RadicalismThe Tactician: Alinsky pioneered pragmatic, conflict-driven community organizing focused on acquiring and shifting power.Rules for Radicals: His 1971 manual taught agitators to “pick the target, freeze it, personalize it, and polarize it,” emphasizing that the end justifies the means in social justice struggles.Focus: Unlike dogmatic ideologues, Alinsky focused on localized, grievance-based mobilization rather than strict economic class warfare.C. Wright Mills and the New LeftThe Sociologist: Mills critiqued post-war America through concepts like “The Power Elite,” arguing that a small coalition of corporate, military, and political leaders controlled society.Letter to the New Left: Mills famously dismissed traditional Marxist reliance on the industrial working class, urging student and intellectual movements to spark cultural and structural rebellion.Bridge to Activism: His theories gave the 1960s New Left an intellectual framework to challenge institutional norms, universities, and state power.The KGB FactorActive Measures: Cold War archival research (such as the Mitrokhin Archive) shows Soviet intelligence actively tried to manipulate Western leftist movements, academia, and peace groups through disinformation and front organizations.Distinction: Alinsky and Mills operated independently of direct Soviet command; Alinsky was notably anti-dogmatic and focused on American democratic frameworks, while Mills was an independent critical sociologist.Convergence: However, Soviet intelligence frequently amplified existing Western critiques of American capitalism and institutional legitimacy that aligned with Mills’ and Alinsky’s systemic challenges.The New Left TransitionShift from Class to Culture: As the traditional working class failed to launch a revolution, the New Left pivoted from purely economic grievances to identity, civil rights, anti-war sentiment, and systemic institutional critique.Long March through Institutions: Activists from the 1960s New Left moved into academia, media, law, and government bureaucracies, laying the groundwork for modern progressive cultural advocacy.Woke and DSA LegacyThe Modern Synthesis: Today’s “woke” or social justice movement merges Alinsky-style shaming, polarization, and corporate pressure campaigns with the identity-focused intersectional grievance studies rooted in New Left sociology.DSA Strategy: The Democratic Socialists of America utilize a mix of electoral entryism (running candidates within the Democratic Party) and grassroots community mobilization.Continuity: Modern progressive and socialist movements continue to rely on Alinsky’s tactical rules—such as forcing opponents to live up to their own rules and using moral framing—to drive institutional and cultural transformation.

  6. My impression is that one way or another, justice will be done, not necessarily through the courts with their never-ending use of the “tyranny of words” but by the afflicted people themselves.

    These so-called “revolutionaries” have one major problem: the strong propensity to fool themselves, despite their much vaunted “intelligence”.

  7. frantz fanon influence on marcuse

    +12 Frantz Fanon and Herbert Marcuse were key 20th-century radical thinkers. While Fanon focused on anti-colonial liberation and Marcuse on Western capitalist critique, they shared a Marxist-humanist framework and influenced New Left perspectives on revolutionary agency and violence.Shared Theoretical HorizonsRejection of orthodox Marxism: Both moved past strict economic determinism to emphasize subjective, psychological, and cultural dimensions of oppression.Alienation and humanism: Fanon analyzed racialized psychological damage, while Marcuse critiqued consumer capitalism’s creation of “one-dimensional” man.The “Great Refusal”: Both endorsed total structural rupture rather than reform when confronting deeply entrenched systemic power.Convergence on Revolutionary ViolenceBreaking the established order: Marcuse defended the right of oppressed minorities to use extra-legal resistance, noting that revolutionary violence seeks to break an existing chain of state violence rather than start a new one.A parallel to Fanon: This mirrors Fanon’s arguments in The Wretched of the Earth regarding counter-violence as a psychologically and politically cleansing force for the colonized.Marginalized agency: Both looked outside the traditional, integrated industrial working class of the Global North—turning instead to racialized outcasts, colonized populations, and student/minority movements—as the new bearers of revolutionary potential.If you would like to explore this further, let me know if you want to focus on:Their differing views on the working class versus peasantry/marginalized groupsThe role of psychoanalysis (Freud and Lacan) in their critiquesHow the New Left of the 1960s synthesized their ideas

    • fanon battle of algiers

      +7 Frantz Fanon and the actual 1956–1957 urban conflict known as the Battle of Algiers are deeply intertwined. While Fanon was stationed as a psychiatrist in Blida, Algeria, he secretly worked with the National Liberation Front (FLN)—the very revolutionary group featured in Gillo Pontecorvo’s iconic 1966 film, The Criterion Channel’s profile on Frantz Fanon.Fanon’s Real-Life Role in the Algerian RevolutionMedical and Psychiatric Work: Fanon treated both traumatized Algerian torture victims and the French officers inflicting the torture. This first-hand horror led him to resign in 1956 and flee to Tunisia to openly write and act as an ambassador for the FLN.Theorizing the Struggle: His book A Dying Colonialism directly analyzes the period of the Algiers conflict, explaining how everyday colonized people (such as women hiding weapons beneath their veils) radically shifted traditional social structures to break French colonial power.The Connection to the Film The Battle of AlgiersVisualizing Fanon’s Theories: Director Gillo Pontecorvo’s famous film visually translates Fanon’s philosophical concepts from The Wretched of the Earth.The Spatial Divide: The movie starkly contrasts the modern, flat European quarters of Algiers with the steep, winding alleyways of the Casbah—mirroring Fanon’s famous description of the colonial world as a place “cut in two”.The Dynamics of Violence: The film captures Fanon’s complex, rigorous arguments regarding systemic state terror, urban guerrilla warfare, and the psychological necessity of counter-violence to shatter colonial subjugation.Would you like to explore specific chapters of Fanon’s work (like The Wretched of the Earth) or dive deeper into the historical accuracy of the 1966 film?

      • battle of algiers film influence on Western left and minority rationalization of criminality

        +10 “Gillo Pontecorvo’s 1966 film The Battle of Algiers profoundly influenced the Western New Left and minority radical groups. By depicting a petty criminal (Ali La Pointe) transformed into an anticolonial freedom fighter, it provided a visceral blueprint that romanticized insurgent violence, reframing illegal acts and terrorism as rational, systemic resistance against oppression.The Cinematic Blueprint for InsurgencyRadicalization of the Marginalized: The film opens with Ali La Pointe as a petty criminal bruised by colonial humiliation, showing how societal rejection funnels individuals directly into revolutionary cells.Tactical Realism: Shot like a newsreel, the gritty pseudo-documentary style gave explicit visual logic to urban guerrilla warfare, safe houses, and bombings.Moral Inversion: It forced sophisticated Western audiences to empathize with asymmetric warfare, famously leading critic Pauline Kael to note it made viewers accept the necessity of bombing civilians.Adoption by the Western Left and Minority GroupsThe Black Panthers and Militants: Radical organizations in the United States and Europe embraced the FLN’s cell structure and ideological stance, viewing domestic minority criminality and urban riots not as social pathology, but as a pre-political awakening.Rationalizing Criminality: Revolutionary theory—bolstered by thinkers like Frantz Fanon—used this framework to argue that the “criminal” within an oppressed underclass possesses a purer, uncompromised hostility toward an unjust state, effectively moralizing lawbreaking as anti-systemic justice.Erosion of Liberal Consensus: The film helped convince segments of the Western left that state violence (such as French torture) delegitimized legal order entirely, making violent counter-responses appear historically inevitable.Would you like to explore how Frantz Fanon’s theories on violence intersect with Pontecorvo’s direction, or look at how modern counter-terrorism analysts view the film’s tactical legacy today?”

        • Gad Saad and Kenneth Levin vs Franz Fanon

          +10 Frantz Fanon was a 20th-century Martinican psychiatrist and philosopher whose theories on colonialism, identity, and revolutionary violence profoundly shaped post-colonial studies. Gad Saad and Kenneth Levin are contemporary scholars and psychiatrists/behavioral scientists who offer stark ideological and psychological counter-perspectives to the-left and post-colonial frameworks influenced by thinkers like Fanon.Frantz Fanon: Core PerspectivesPsychology of Colonialism: Argued that colonial oppression systematically fractures the psyche of colonized people, inducing deep inferiority complexes and cultural alienation.Necessity of Counter-Violence: Famously asserted in The Wretched of the Earth that violent revolution is often a cleansing force necessary for the colonized to reclaim their humanity and autonomy from the oppressor.Identity and Race: Explored in Black Skin, White Masks how black individuals internalize the cultural standards of the white colonial master.Gad Saad: Evolutionary and Cultural CritiqueCritique of Modern Ideology: Known for works like The Parasitic Mind and Suicidal Empathy, Saad attacks what he views as maladaptive, emotionally driven progressive ideologies that undermine common sense, reason, and Western civilization.Rejection of Victimhood Culture: Saad argues against elevating perceived victimhood into a moral virtue, viewing modern social justice constructs as parasitic ideas that weaken societal self-defense.Kenneth Levin: Collective Trauma and DelusionPsychological Analysis of Groups: A psychiatrist and historian who wrote The Oslo Syndrome and The Canary on the Couch, Levin examines collective self-delusion and self-criticism among populations under siege (specifically focused on Jewish identity and Israel).Challenging Revisionism: Levin contrasts the survival and psychological resilience of a nation under threat against internal appeasement or self-blame, directly challenging academic and post-colonial narratives that rationalize aggression against targeted groups.If you’d like to narrow this comparison down, let me know:Are you focusing on their views on violence and revolution?Or their differing approaches to psychology and cultural victimhood?I can dive deeper into a specific contrast.

          • fanon, sartre marcuse Edward Said, noam chomsky, justification of violence against civilians influence on West

            +16 Frantz Fanon, Jean-Paul Sartre, Herbert Marcuse, Edward Said, and Noam Chomsky shaped Western critical thought by analyzing imperialism, systemic state power, and oppression. While they examined or contextualized revolutionary counter-violence against systemic injustice, their reception in the West generated deep controversy regarding whether their frameworks minimized or justified violence against civilians.Core Theories on Violence and PowerFrantz Fanon: In The Wretched of the Earth, he argued that colonial rule is inherently violent, leaving the colonized no alternative but counter-violence to reclaim their humanity and dismantle the colonial structure.Jean-Paul Sartre: In his famous preface to Fanon’s work, Sartre framed revolutionary violence as an absolute moral and existential necessity to rid the oppressed of internalized inferiority and strike back at the oppressor.Herbert Marcuse: Associated with the New Left, Marcuse defended “repressive tolerance” critiques and argued that resistance to entrenched democratic or capitalist apparatuses could necessitate militant disruption.Edward Said: Through Orientalism and subsequent critiques, Said analyzed how Western cultural and academic institutions systematically dehumanized non-Western populations, laying an intellectual groundwork for decolonial resistance.Noam Chomsky: Chomsky focused extensively on the institutional violence, war crimes, and propaganda models of Western state powers (particularly U.S. foreign policy), arguing that citizens have a duty to restrain state aggression.Influence on Western Social and Political MovementsThe New Left and Protests: During the late 1960s, student movements in Europe and the U.S. absorbed these writings to challenge the Vietnam War and institutional racism, turning systemic critiques into domestic anti-war and civil rights activism.Postcolonial and Cultural Studies: Their work institutionalized postcolonial theory across Western universities, fundamentally altering how literature, history, and international relations are taught.Critiques of Apologetics: Critics in the West (such as Hannah Arendt in On Violence) argued that romanticizing revolutionary violence created a dangerous permissive climate for militant and terrorist actions.Spectrum of InterpretationProponents on platforms like Reddit generally agree that these thinkers sought to explain the structural and foundational violence of the state and empire rather than explicitly promote the targeting of innocent civilians.Conversely, other contemporary critics argue that an uncritical adoption of these anti-Western frameworks has sometimes devolved into a rigid ideology that rationalizes or minimizes atrocities committed by militant groups against civilians.

            “saul alinsky C. Wright Mills KGB New Left and Woke/DSA legacy ” +16 ” Saul Alinsky and C. Wright Mills were mid-20th-century American radicals whose tactical playbooks and institutional critiques helped shape the 1960s New Left. While Soviet intelligence (KGB) historically sought to subvert Western movements, these domestic thinkers provided the native ideological frameworks that later evolved into modern progressive activism, “wokeness,” and the electoral strategies of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA).Key Figures and Intellectual RootsSaul Alinsky: A Chicago-based community organizer who wrote Rules for Radicals (1971). He focused on pragmatic, boots-on-the-ground power accumulation, direct confrontation of institutional targets, and incremental tactical pressure rather than rigid dogmatic revolution.C. Wright Mills: A radical Columbia University sociologist who coined the term “The Power Elite” and wrote the famous 1960 Letter to the New Left. He rejected traditional Marxist reliance strictly on industrial labor, urging students and intellectuals to become agents of structural social change.The KGB Factor: During the Cold War, Soviet intelligence actively ran active measures and disinformation campaigns to amplify racial tensions, anti-capitalist sentiment, and institutional distrust in the U.S. However, historians note that the organic American New Left grew out of domestic civil rights and anti-war struggles, largely operating independently of direct Soviet operational control despite parallel aims.The New Left TransitionRejection of the Old Left: Moving away from 1930s-style orthodox Communism and centralized labor unions, the 1960s New Left embraced cultural criticism, anti-imperialism, and participatory democracy.Bridging Theory and Action: Mills provided the macroeconomic critique of institutional power structures, while Alinsky provided the street-level training manual on how marginalized groups could seize leverage.Legacy in “Wokeness” and the DSATactical Heritage: Modern social justice organizing (“wokeness”) inherits Alinsky’s maxims—such as “pick the target, freeze it, personalize it, and polarize it”, shareholder activism, and public shaming campaigns—applied to corporate and cultural institutions rather than just local municipal slumlords.The DSA Resurgence: Contemporary democratic socialism uses a hybrid model: Mills’ intellectual framework diagnosing corporate hegemony combined with Alinsky-style community mobilization to push internal pressure politics inside and outside the Democratic Party framework.”

        • fanon marcuse Edward Said, noam chomsky,  justification of violence against civilians influence on West

          +13 Thinkers like Frantz Fanon, Herbert Marcuse, Edward Said, and Noam Chomsky shaped Western critical thought by analyzing imperialism, state power, and systemic oppression. While none explicitly endorsed the targeting of non-combatants, their critiques of structural violence and colonialism have been variously interpreted, romanticized, or criticized for indirectly framing resistance in ways that touch upon the ethics of force.Core Ideas on Violence and ResistanceFrantz Fanon: Argued in The Wretched of the Earth that colonial rule is inherently violent, asserting that counter-violence by the colonized is a dialectical necessity to reclaim human dignity and political agency.Herbert Marcuse: Defended a “natural right of resistance” for oppressed minorities against entrenched legal hierarchies, suggesting extra-legal action becomes legitimate when democratic channels fail.Edward Said: Edward Said analyzed how Western cultural discourse and Orientalism justified imperial dominance, frequently invoking Fanon to contextualize the rage of the colonized, while generally maintaining a secular, humanistic critique.Noam Chomsky: Noam Chomsky focused heavily on state violence, critiquing Western foreign policy and media manufacturing of consent, while expressing skepticism that revolutionary violence achieves moral or practical liberation.Influence on Western Intellectual CultureChallenging State Legitimacy: Their work deconstructed the moral authority of Western institutions, leading generations of scholars to view geopolitical conflicts through the lens of structural power imbalances.The “Decolonization” Framework: Provided foundational vocabulary for modern social movements, shifting academic focus toward intersectional oppression, systemic racism, and anti-imperialism.Controversies Over Interpretation: Critics argue that the romanticization of revolutionary struggle by these theorists—and its subsequent appropriation by radical campus or activist movements—can blur the lines against accepting or rationalizing asymmetric and civilian-targeted violence.

  8. It does sound a little strange… Nonetheless, following the Soros plan will get us here, we just need to be patient.
    The remaining question is whether we need to include intelligence agencies from all around the world or just the local ones.
    Trump needs lots of help to finally clean up this mess and two more years will, in all likelihood, be sadly insufficient.