Jerry Falwell: In memorium

View from America: Our most unwelcome ally


In 1984, the United States rectified a diplomatic anomaly when it formally recognized the Vatican and agreed to exchange ambassadors with the papal mini-state in Rome.

But when Congress held hearings on the measure, at least one discordant voice was heard in dissent. Rev. Jerry Falwell, by then already a familiar figure as the head of the “Moral Majority” group, hustled to the Capitol to testify against the move.

One might have expected Falwell’s position to be based in the sort of theological antagonism between Baptists and Catholics that had its roots in the Reformation. But the roly-poly evangelical had another agenda that day: He was mad about the Church’s foreign policy in the Middle East. He urged the Senate not to recognize the Vatican until it extended the same courtesy to the State of Israel.

That was an issue that was also of concern to Jewish groups. The Vatican eventually did recognize Israel a decade later. But the idea of the Jews publicly campaigning against the Church in this manner was simply out of the question.

Falwell’s intervention in this issue is barely a footnote to this chapter in history, but it is symbolic of much of his interactions with the Jews over the years.

He was always among our most zealous allies on the question of Israel, its security and its place in the world. But his efforts in this regard were not merely unbidden. They were, for the most part, regarded with incredulity by Jewish audiences and groups, and thus not merely unappreciated, but often met with outright rejection. As such, he was always American Jewry’s most unwavering and yet unwelcome ally.


But none of that explains why his enthusiastic support for Israel was always something that many Jewish liberals felt ought to be treated with disdain. The excuses for this attitude always centered on the notion that his motives were tainted by his intention to evangelize among Jews or notions about his wanting a Zionist triumph to set off the second coming of Jesus.

But few who made these charges understood much about his actual beliefs. While Falwell was honest about the fact that he considered his own faith to be the truth, he always denied that his love for Israel was anything but unselfish. And given the fact that most Jews never gave him anything but abuse for it, his critics ought to concede that point.

Nor did his willingness to open up the pulpit of his Liberty University to figures like Reform movement head Rabbi Eric Yoffie convince liberals that he was as committed to the free flow of political debate as they were. To the day he died, liberal groups used his waning presence on the national scene to rally their faithful, and were unwilling to make common cause with him even on a principle many shared with him: the safety of Israel.

This unwillingness to accept conservative Christian support for Israel remains the great contradiction of modern American Jewish politics. Contrast this attitude toward Falwell with the enthusiasm with which many Jews continue to make coalitions with liberal Protestant denominations that have often joined efforts to wage economic warfare on the Jewish state via disinvestment schemes.

Jews didn’t have to agree with Falwell on abortion or anything else on which they differed any more than they do with liberal Protestants. But what they ought to have done is to recognize his willingness to expend his own political capital in the defense of Israel.

During crises, such as the 2002 terror war waged against Israel by the Palestinians, Falwell and his allies were capable of putting aside their other agendas, and putting the Bush administration’s feet to the fire in order to ensure that it backed up Israel’s measures of self-defense.

Choosing Priorities

Perhaps the main disconnect came from the fact that for Falwell and his friends, Israel was not the marginal point that it has become for many Jews who who place its survival far below domestic issues on their list of priorities. Though he never harmed a single Jew in his life, most of us still seemed to be more afraid of him than we were of Hamas.

At a time when Israel is under increasingly vitriolic attacks seeking to delegitimize Zionism as well as physically assaults, this reluctance to extend the hand of friendship to an ally remains, at best, short-sighted.

One imagines that few synagogue sermons were devoted to Falwell’s memory this past week, but before the dust settles over his grave, it might be appropriate if more Jews took a moment to recognize his friendship. The rise of international anti-Semitism and left-wing anti-Zionism should remind us that — whether we like it or not — we are going to need a lot more unwelcome allies like Jerry Falwell in the years to come.

May 27, 2007 | 1 Comment »

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  1. Falwell was by far one of the most consistently pro-Israel of the high-profile Christians. And his Liberty University strongly teaches the pro-Israel dispensationalist way of interpreting scripture, training up thousands to be pro-Israel pastors. I actually admire Falwell for his transparency in being able to say yes, he’s pro-Israel, but no he’s not going to deny the Great Commission (to evangelize and disciple), though repeatedly emphasizing, like many of us do, that our desire to share the gospel is not related to our support of Israel–yet many in the Jewish community refuse to believe this, though our record and words do not indicate otherwise.

    Oddly, many foolishly would more accept those “Christians” who use words like peace and tolerance and promise not to share the gospel, though in reality they have a track record of nothing but duplicity and hatred (or at best indifference) towards Jews and/or Israel. Honestly, now that Falwell’s passed on, I’m more hesitant than ever to be associated with CUFI (where Falwell was on the Board). (p.s., I was not a fan of the Moral Majority, which by the way was not a Protestant organization, or even a Christian organization)

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