Must-Read Post: Even After Winter’s Commitment to Recommend Netanyahu, Can He Still Crown Lieberman Without Violating His Commitment? Here Is a Plausible Scenario.

Yossi Baum | X | Aug 27, 2026

Brig. Gen. (Res.) Ofer Winter's Speech at Jerusalem Day Ceremony, March 10, 2025. Screengrab via Youtube.Brig. Gen. (Res.) Ofer Winter’s Speech at Jerusalem Day Ceremony, March 10, 2025. Screengrab via Youtube.

After we have seen that Winter has countless Lieberman people around him (details below), after Kaplan has been “lifting” him up, and after he established his party despite the risk of Smotrich falling below the threshold, the burden of proof is on him that he will not go into a bloc with Lieberman and Bennett. And here is why:

A. The degree of closeness between Winter and Lieberman

First, pay attention to the closeness between Winter and Lieberman. Much more than you thought:

1. While in 2018 Eisenkot prevented Winter from becoming the Prime Minister’s Military Secretary, the person who stood by his side was Lieberman, then Defense Minister, who appointed him as his personal military secretary.

2. The closeness between Winter and Lieberman is not limited to the previous decade. In 2024 as well, when the Left persecuted Winter, Lieberman publicly stood by his side.

3. Sharon Shalom, one of Lieberman’s closest associates, is in Winter’s inner circle.

4. Kobi Eliraz, who joined Lieberman, is an adviser to Winter.

5. Aviv Ezra, chairman of ‘Victory Generation,’ who is on Winter’s list, is also considered close to Yisrael Beiteinu. The chairmen of the ‘Victory Generation’ caucus established in the Knesset are MK Sharon Nir of Yisrael Beiteinu, and MK Dan Illouz, who also defected to Lieberman.

6. Davidi Ben Zion, also on Winter’s list, and someone considered close to Bennett and Shaked, explicitly said in recent months that he is willing to join ‘Yisrael Beiteinu.’

It is important to mention here the considerable closeness between Winter and Bennett, which goes back more than 30 years(!), since they served together in Sayeret Matkal (see in the response to the post), and places Winter in the same political area code, with the formation of a third bloc of Lieberman-Bennett-Winter being almost self-evident.

B. The conscription law

Now pay attention: two very prominent figures in the public struggle against the conscription law are with Winter – Lali Deri and Davidi Ben Zion (links in the response to the post). Yosef Haddad wrote that there needs to be a conscription law with severe sanctions against the Haredim. Aviv Ezra also represented reservists (although with a somewhat different position regarding the conscription law).

Winter’s own people briefed N12 the day before yesterday that “Winter wants a broad government headed by Netanyahu but not a narrow government, among other things because he does not want them to be dependent on the Haredim because of the conscription issue.”

Now let us think about the political meaning that follows from this: the Haredim have already declared that even before the establishment of a new right-wing government they will demand the passage of a conscription law. Without a doubt – this demand will constitute a non-negotiable condition on their part for entering the coalition.

What are Winter’s red lines on the conscription issue? And what is the likelihood that they will correspond with the Haredi demands?

It must be said that Winter himself has spoken out against forcibly conscripting Haredim. But these are only statements. It can already be assumed that Lali Deri and Davidi Ben Zion (and perhaps others as well) will ‘stand on their hind legs’ to make sure that Winter does not agree to a conscription law according to the Haredim’s wishes. What will happen then? What will the other party members do?

The positions on the list are also unclear. Who is in positions 3-4? Who is in the positions after them? This has real significance for our purposes – if Lali Deri and Davidi Ben Zion are in the top positions, they have a real card in their hands: the threat of breaking up the party, and the ability to lead Winter as they wish on the issue.

If such a scenario happens – and it is much more than ‘reasonable’ – Winter can roll his eyes to the heavens, and his commitment this evening will not be worth even a potsherd. Winter will turn to Netanyahu, say that he wants to join, and there will even be broad smiles and joint photographs. But then the issue of the conscription law will come up, and it will be very convenient for Winter to bring down the negotiations over an issue on which there is no unified opinion even within the Right.

And then, what will happen is one of two things: either Netanyahu will tell Winter that he is not suitable for the coalition, because, what can you do, the Haredim are worth more numerically. Or Netanyahu will declare that he is more interested in Winter, but then he will not have a coalition because the Haredim will abandon him.

Either way, Winter will have the full case to stand before the public and say, ‘I did everything so that Netanyahu would be Prime Minister, but there are things that do not depend on me.’ And we will not even be able to claim against him that he is violating his commitment to the voters.

C. Is Lieberman right-wing?

From Winter’s perspective, it is unclear whether Lieberman is not considered a right-wing person, as quite a few in Religious Zionism see him. If my memory does not deceive me, we have never heard Winter make any statement against Lieberman, even when he sat in a government with Ra’am.

One additional point: according to a poll by @filbers this evening Winter receives 4 mandates. That is, he is on the threshold of the electoral threshold. But Winter did not come in order to join, and the presentation of 11 candidates on his behalf is clear evidence of that, as is the narrative about ‘those who were not on October 7’ and so on. And what will happen if in the end he does not pass? And what will happen if Smotrich does not pass and thereby brings down the Right? These concerns, it seems, are of no concern to Winter and beyond.

Therefore, before the trumpet fanfare as though Winter is on the Right, and when he seeks to reassure the Right about the fact that the Left has ‘lifted’ him up in this way, clear statements from him are called for on at least 3 issues:

  1. Is Lieberman considered ‘Right’ in his eyes;
  2. What are his boundaries regarding the conscription issue, and whether and to what extent he sees the possibility of cooperation with the Haredim;
  3. If two weeks before the election his party is not passing in Filber’s polls, will he withdraw or not.

These are the basic tests. If, on the conscription issue, he begins to stammer or speak in slogans, my advice – keep your distance (and it makes absolutely no difference what your own opinion is on the substance of the conscription issue. In the current situation it is either Haredi conscription or Iran, Gaza and Hezbollah. There is no ‘both and’).

It should be said in conclusion that a good word must be said about the many good people who are with Winter, including Winter himself. Among them are people of values with an impressive record. But politics is not a matter for good people, but for those who have proven that they are capable of standing up to the atomic pressure of the Left and the media. And in this area – almost none of them has a record. If anything – the opposite (past statements, see in the response to the post). And hence the great concern.

August 29, 2026 | 12 Comments »

Leave a Reply

12 Comments / 12 Comments

    • faber polls israel sept 1, 2026 Feiglin Smotrich

      Bezalel Smotrich and Moshe Feiglin officially signed an agreement on September 1, 2026, to run together as a joint technical bloc for Israel’s upcoming October 2026 Knesset elections.The decision was highly driven by recent polling numbers (such as Kan News and Lazar Research), which showed Smotrich’s Religious Zionism Party consistently hovering dangerously close to or falling below the 3.25% electoral threshold. This polling drop followed the political entry of former IDF general Ofer Winter and his new People of Israel party, which pulled substantial support from the traditional far-right base.Key Polling Scenarios & ImpactPassing the Threshold: If Smotrich were to unite with Moshe Feiglin’s party, Religious Zionism would rise to seven seats, tying Ben-Gvir’s Otzma Yehudit, at Winter’s expense. This scenario effectively pushes Ofer Winter’s party down below the threshold.Alternative Right-Wing Mergers: In contrast, a simulated merger between Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir (Otzma Yehudit) proved counterproductive. A merger between Smotrich and Ben-Gvir… would actually weaken their combined support to 10 seats, compared to 12 seats if they ran separately.The Technical Bloc Logistics: Under their final joint agreement, Feiglin takes the No. 2 position on Smotrich’s slate. Zehut allies also secure the 8th, 10th, and 11th spots. This technical alignment allows the parties to split back into independent factions after entering the Knesset.Wider Political ContextThe move was heavily encouraged by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who pressured smaller right-wing factions to merge to prevent thousands of conservative votes from being completely wasted. Despite this consolidation, broader polling from late August and September 1 indicates that Netanyahu’s right-wing bloc remains short of a 61-seat governing majority. Gadi Eisenkot’s centrist party, Yashar, continues to lead the field in total projected seats.

      7

      That last assertion cites TOI not Faber, AI is being slick with a bait and switch here.

      “Why students need to be able to identify logical fallacies.”
      https://resilienteducator.com/classroom-resources/logical-fallacies/

  1. Ex-IDF general Ofer Winter says new party will only back Netanyahu for prime minister after election
    The People of Israel leader also reiterated his call for ‘voluntary emigration from Gaza’ and Charedi conscription

    August 28, 2026 16:42

    “When Winter announced his new party, the prime minister quickly expressed concern that a proliferation of small right-wing parties could dilute his bloc’s share of the vote, and even reportedly attempted to give Winter a reserved spot on the Likud list to prevent him from launching the fledgling right-wing party.”

    The polls are split on whether he will pass the threshold, barely.

    https://www.thejc.com/news/israel/ofer-winter-only-back-netanyahu-election-ekvs3ttf

  2. I saw it in C14 news but close enough. It’s Bibi or bust if you care about restoring Yesha and Gush Katif.

    anti+bibi statement: the day after winning we’ll dismantle the settlements

    This exact phrasing does not match a verified, mainstream quote from a prominent contemporary anti-Netanyahu political leader. However, it strongly reflects the overarching political friction in Israel regarding the future of the West Bank and Gaza.Within Israeli politics, the concept of dismantling or expanding settlements represents a major divide:The Anti-Netanyahu / Center-Left Position: Mainstream center-left opposition figures (such as Yair Lapid or Benny Gantz) generally favor a two-state solution or a separation from Palestinians to preserve Israel’s Jewish and democratic character. However, they rarely use absolute rhetoric like “dismantling all settlements the day after winning” to avoid alienating centrist and right-leaning voters necessary to defeat Benjamin Netanyahu. Left-wing parties (like Meretz or Labor) or Arab-led parties have historically been much more vocal about evacuating or freezing settlements.The Netanyahu / Right-Wing Position: Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his right-wing coalition partners have consistently campaigned on the absolute preservation and expansion of settlements. Netanyahu famously uses the historical precedent of the 2005 unilateral disengagement from Gaza—where Israel dismantled settlements and subsequently faced thousands of rocket attacks—to argue that evacuating West Bank settlements would pose an existential threat to national security.If this quote appeared in a specific political ad, a social media campaign, or a localized protest statement, it was likely utilized in one of two contexts:Left-Wing Activism: A slogan used by further-left anti-Netanyahu movements or Palestinian solidarity groups who view settlement evacuation as the primary prerequisite for peace.Right-Wing Warning (Political Scare Tactic): A paraphrase or attack ad generated by pro-Netanyahu campaigns designed to scare right-wing voters into believing that if the anti-Bibi opposition wins the election, they will immediately compromise Israel’s security and sovereignty by dismantling communities in Judea and Samaria.

  3. shas and utj oppose Haredi conscription. Shas and UTJ hold 19 mandates. No coalition can be formed without them or the Muslim Brotherhood parties.

    Yes, the mathematical reality of Israel’s 120-seat Knesset means that forming a governing majority of 61 seats is extremely difficult without either the Haredi parties or Arab/Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated factions. This structural deadlock has been the central driver of Israel’s ongoing conscription crisis.The Coalition Math & The 19 MandatesIn the 25th Knesset, Shas (11 seats) and United Torah Judaism (8 seats) combined for 19 mandates. The remaining 101 seats are deeply fractured across the political spectrum:The Math: If a bloc rejects both the Haredi parties (19 seats) and the Arab parties (typically holding 10–13 seats), it must build a coalition from a pool of only ~88 remaining seats.The Ideological Barrier: Getting those remaining 88 lawmakers to agree is nearly impossible. They span from the anti-clerical, center-left to the ultra-nationalist, far-right. They agree on almost nothing other than their opposition to Haredi draft exemptions.The Conscription UltimatumBecause they hold “kingmaker” status, both Shas and UTJ have weaponized their mandates to protect their community from military enlistment:Government Collapses: The failure of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to pass a permanent draft exemption bill led to both Haredi parties pulling out of senior roles, triggering a collapse of the 64-seat majority down to a razor-thin 61 seats.Pre-Election Demands: Lawmakers from Shas have explicitly stated that they will demand a formalized draft exemption law be signed into effect before a government is even formed in any future coalition talks.The “Arab Party” AlternativeTo bypass Shas and UTJ, a Zionist coalition would need to rely on the support of Arab-led parties, specifically Ra’am (the United Arab List), which represents the southern branch of the Islamic Movement in Israel (rooted in Muslim Brotherhood ideology).Historical Precedent: This type of coalition was only achieved once—the short-lived Bennett-Lapid “Change Government” (2021–2022), which included Ra’am.Current Deadlock: Given the heightened security environment and political shifts since October 7, 2023, the right-wing factions of the opposition strongly refuse to sit in a government reliant on Ra’am.Consequently, the political calculus remains frozen: any leader trying to form an Israeli government must choose between compromising on Haredi conscription to secure Shas and UTJ, or breaking deep ideological taboos to partner with Arab-Islamic factions.

    • My prediction: Either Bibi will heal the rift with UTJ and Shas and win or the present government will remain in office by default as a caretaker government since nobody can form a coalition.

      “can a caretaker government in Israel continue with all the same policies ”

      ” No, a caretaker government in Israel cannot continue with all the same policies, as it faces strict legal and judicial limitations designed to prevent it from binding the hands of future administrations.While Israel’s Basic Law: The Government mandates that an outgoing administration must continue to function until a new coalition is sworn in, its practical scope of authority is significantly narrowed.The Standard of RestraintUnder long-standing Israeli judicial precedent, a caretaker (or interim) government is legally expected to act with extreme caution and restraint. It is restricted from initiating major new long-term initiatives, restructuring public policy, or implementing sweeping ideological agendas. Instead, its primary duty is limited to maintaining the status quo and running day-to-day administrative affairs.Specific Policy and Legal RestrictionsNo “Election Economics”: Caretaker governments face strict constraints on their fiscal policies. They are legally prohibited from transferring irregular state funds, approving sudden public subsidies, or making financial promises that could be construed as bribing the electorate ahead of an election.Frozen Senior Appointments: Long-term, permanent appointments to critical state roles—such as police commissioners, corporate regulators, or director-generals—are heavily restricted. Temporary placeholders are typically appointed instead to ensure the future government can select its own leadership.The “Essential and Urgent Need” Exception: A caretaker government can only deviate from the status quo if it can prove an essential, immediate, and urgent public need. For instance, handling unexpected wartime operations, navigating active defense escalations, or resolving sudden diplomatic crises (such as urgent border or resource disputes) can justify major executive actions.Judicial and Attorney General Oversight: The Supreme Court of Israel and the Attorney General play an active role in vetting interim policies. If a caretaker administration attempts to push through a highly controversial policy, the court can freeze it on the grounds that an unelected interim cabinet lacks a public mandate to reshape the country’s trajectory.Even though prolonged political stalemates have historically left Israeli caretaker governments in power for months or even over a year, they must legally govern as a custodial authority rather than a fully empowered political body.”

      • Google misunderstood my question here but the answer is clear: It’s down to another battle between the government and the Supreme Court or electoral defeat to the latter, in any case. Time for another Judicial Reform crisis, but a post Oct. 7 one this time, so maybe the ever-thuggish left won’t be able to paralyze the country with their shock troops.

        will any party in Israel’s current coalition government bolt if UTJ and Shas are allowed to have their way on conscription?

        Yes, ultra-Orthodox parties UTJ (United Torah Judaism) and Shas have already bolted or withdrawn their support/ministers from Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s coalition over the military conscription dispute.The Conscription CrisisThe Conflict: Israel’s Supreme Court ruled that the government must draft ultra-Orthodox (Haredi) men, ending decades-long military service exemptions.UTJ’s Action: The United Torah Judaism party quit the governing coalition to protest the lack of a blanket exemption law.Shas’s Action: The Shas party also withdrew its ministers from the government in protest over the issue, leaving Netanyahu without a working majority.Current StatusMinority Government: These withdrawals stripped the coalition of its parliamentary majority, reducing it to a minority government.Elections: While the walkouts and demands to dissolve the Knesset have heavily destabilized the government, immediate early elections have faced delays as parties navigate ongoing parliamentary recesses and political leverage.

        • @Sebastian: we’re back to the same old, same old. The supreme court thinks that it has the authority to change policies on the fly or obstruct new policies. If the Israeli electorate can’t get a 2/3 majority in place, the situation will never change unless a rebellion takes place. Since the electorate seem to be unable to choose a government, even a rebellion will fail.

          Is the only solution to give up or let the opposition take over with all that will immediately follow, since the supreme court and the AG are part of the opposition?

          We can prophesy what would then happen:
          Surrender to Hamas, Hezbollah and Iran.
          Let the Iranians build their nuke and test it on us.
          Let the Houthis block Bab al-Mandeb.
          Forget obstructing the two (three, or even four) state solution and building in J&S.
          Deny building permits anywhere until the [2-4]state situation is clarified to international satisfaction?
          Pay retribution to everybody that claims to have been harshly dealt with?
          An so on…

          I’m sure you can add a few items to my list.

  4. I would play the game till the elections and then see who got how many votes before selecting partners for a coalition. We all know that the real fighting begins then.