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The Truth, the Facts, your Media and your Leftist Politicians will not give you.
A Report by Lord Andrew Roberts’s Centre for Independent Studies’ 2026 delivered by John Boynton in Britain 2026.
I chaired Britain’s All-Party-Parliamentary Commission Report on the October 7 massacres, which detailed each of the 1,182 deaths that took place that day.
It became very clear to me while doing that, and also while visiting kibbutzim and the Nova Festival site in southern Israel, that Hamas had very deliberately fostered the sheer frenzy that was seen during its 48-hour-long killing spree on October 7 and 8, 2023.
Often in war soldiers go on frenzied killing sprees – the Nanking Massacre in December 1937 featured unimaginable cruelties like the bayonetting of pregnant women – but they are rarely cold-bloodedly ordered by commanders, in the way that the atrocities of October 7 undoubtedly were.
My report detailed in its second edition the instructions given by Yahya Sinwar, the Hamas commander in chief in Gaza.
Dated 24 August 2022, it ordered, ‘Images must be released which will trigger a surge of euphoria, frenzy, and momentum for our people, especially among the residents of the West Bank … It must be emphasised to the unit commanders that these things are to be carried out deliberately. That is, to document and broadcast the images as quickly as possible: stepping on the heads of soldiers, point-blank shootings, slaughtering people with knives, blowing up tanks, prisoners kneeling with their hands on their heads, and the like.’
A handwritten note was found in the pocket of a commander of the Hamas military wing who was killed in the fighting on the Israeli side of the border. It urged his operatives ‘to kill as many Jews as possible, to behead them, to tear out their hearts and livers for Islam.’ Sure enough, that’s essentially what happened.
We don’t need Dante to tell us what it is like in Hell.
Dr Cochav Elkayam-Levy’s Civil Commission on October 7 Crimes Against Women and Children interviewed 430 survivors and first responders of October 7, and concluded that across multiple locations and phases of the assault, including during abduction, transfer, and captivity, Hamas and its collaborators deployed recurring tactics of sexual abuse and torture against victims.
These crimes were marked by extreme cruelty and profound human suffering, inflicted in ways designed to amplify terror and humiliation. The report draws on extensive documentation, including original filmed survivor and witness testimonies, interviews, photographs, videos made by the perpetrators, official records, and other primary materials from the attack sites.
The Civil Commission identified at least 13 patterns of abuse across multiple sites, including:
1) Rape, gang rape, and other forms of sexual assaults;
2) Sexual torture, including intentional burning and mutilation;
3) Deliberate shootings to the head, face and genital area;
4) Killings and executions following or committed in conjunction with sexual and gender-based violence;
5) Postmortem sexual abuse, humiliation, and desecration of bodies;
6) Forced nudity and exposure;
7) Handcuffing, binding, and restraint of victims;
8) Public displaying and parading of women and children;
9) Abduction of mothers and children;
10) sexual and gender-based violence inflicted in the presence or near vicinity of family members;
11) Filming and digital dissemination of sexual and gender based violence, including use of social media to document, glorify, and amplify the atrocities;
12) Threats of forced marriage;
13) Rape and other forms of sexual violence against boys and men.
The repetition of these 13 patterns shows the crimes were not isolated acts of brutality, but formed part of a deliberate broader operational method used during the attack and its aftermath.
Perpetrators weaponised digital dissemination as part of the violence itself, including sexualised content. Armed groups recorded acts of abuse, humiliation, and killing, and circulated the footage through social media platforms and the victims’ own digital accounts.
In numerous cases, family members first learned of the fate of their loved ones through images or videos distributed by perpetrators.
This deliberate use of digital media transformed acts of violence into instruments of psychological warfare directed not only at victims but also at families and Israeli society at large.
It’s hard to comprehend the depravity.
Men pulling a woman from a vehicle, forcibly removing her clothing, and raping her. They repeatedly stabbed her, killing her, and then, Raz Cohen, a Nova survivor, recalled, “they continued to rape her after her death.” The report extensively documents testimonies from released hostages and other sources demonstrating how sexual assaults, sexual humiliation, and sexualised torture persisted during captivity in Gaza for prolonged periods. In some cases, the sexual and gender-based abuse of hostages continued for months.
In addition to documenting individual crimes, the Civil Commission report identifies a distinct pattern of violence targeting family members and exploiting familial relationships as instruments of terror.
In several incidents, victims were sexually assaulted or humiliated in the presence of relatives, and in one of the documented cases family members were coerced into participating in acts of abuse against one another.
These acts reflect what the Commission characterizes as kinocidal sexual violence — violence deliberately designed to destroy the family as a social and emotional unit by weaponizing the bonds between family members.
While women and girls constituted the majority of victims of sexual violence committed on October 7 and subsequently in captivity, the Civil Commission has found that there was a discernible pattern of men and boys who were subjected to extreme forms of sexual violence, sexual torture and sexual humiliation, including rape, forced nudity, mutilation, the burning of genitals, and repeated sexual assaults.
Although these violations overlap with the broader patterns of sexual violence documented in the preceding patterns, the Commission determined that the scale, severity, and distinct modes of abuse directed at male victims warranted dedicated analysis.
It turns out that although Hamas hangs homosexuals in Gaza, a good proportion of Hamas fighters are hypocrites in that regard.
One might have assumed that the horrors of 7 and 8 October would have produced a wave of revulsion around the world, especially when they were uploaded by the perpetrators themselves and viewed widely on social media, but instead it has been the victims – the Jews – who have been excoriated, and all too often the rapists and murderers of 7 October who have been turned into heroes, while at the same time their crimes are denied, in a modern form of Holocaust denial.
A myth has developed that the present spate of worldwide antisemitism arose entirely in response to the campaign of the Israeli Defence Forces in Gaza, but that is untrue.
The first application for a pro-Palestinian march was lodged with London’s Metropolitan Police at 1pm on 7 October 2023, while the massacres were still going on and three weeks before the IDF went on the offensive against Hamas in Gaza.
These marches have routinely featured chants and slogans, banners and flags that support Hamas and the eradication of Israel ‘from the River to the Sea.’ In fact, the present spate of anti-Semitism has arisen because of the mass misrepresentation, especially on social media and elsewhere, of Israel’s attempts to defend itself from Hamas, which has promised more such attacks on Israel.
The IDF has been blamed for purposely targeting children, poisoning Palestinian water supplies, refusing medical supplies, and so on, with nil evidence. Social media-generated myths, such as that the IDF committed genocide and instituted starvation in Gaza – both of which have been conclusively disproven by the evidence of what actually took place there – have fuelled antisemitism across the globe, driven by viscerally biased and ideologically driven opponents of Israel and Judaism, to which millions of naïve and ignorant Westerners have fallen prey.
The fact that UNICEF has found that children in Gaza are actually healthier and better nourished than those in Egypt and Jordan has been simply ignored.
Much of the Left — not all of it, there are some honourable exceptions — has been monstrously hypocritical, putting their hatred of Israel and Zionism, and especially of Benjamin Netanyahu’s government, before other cherished and long-established principles.
After decades of standing up for minorities and decrying racism, the Left has fallen silent when it comes to one particular minority and one particular race.
Feminist groups that are usually so rightly insistent on women’s rights and sexual freedoms, said nothing when it comes to the mass rape and murder and kidnap of women in one particular country in October 2023.
Immigrants into any other country — be they Syrians into Germany, Mexicans into the United States, Libyans into Italy,
Afghans crossing the English Channel — automatically and unquestioningly get sympathy and a free pass from the Left.
Yet when Jews migrate to Israel, their homeland of 30 centuries, they are denounced as colonialist settlers.
LGBTQ campaigners who lambast Western countries for perceived micro-aggressions against their community similarly have next to nothing to say about the death penalty that Hamas imposes on LGBTQ Palestinians in Gaza.
We are today facing the absurdity that Sudan’s present documented use of chlorine gas against its own citizens, as documented by the United Nations, is considered less of a human rights violation than the violent incursions of between 70 and 300 settlers in the West Bank.
So what can be done to fight this latest recrudescence of antisemitism, the worst we have seen worldwide since the death of Adolf Hitler? For we need to create a culture of moral abhorrence of antisemitism.
We need to see a reversion away from moral relativism and moral equivalency, and a return to basic principles of right and wrong.
Anti-Semitism needs to be treated on a par with the other foul perversions of normal decency and civilized discourse. If society regarded anti-Semites with the same shock, disgust and repugnance that it rightly reserves for people who practice paedophilia or cruelty to animals, then the message would quickly get through that it’s completely socially unacceptable, and it would be sent back to the fringes of society, where it has resided for generations.
Tragically, that is simply not the case in all too much of the world today, where it has even slouched into the drawing rooms of polite society.
We need to halt, and if possible, reverse, the ghettoization and balkanisation of Muslim communities.
The separation that some Muslim communities have from the rest of both British and Australian national life has meant that there are extremists who hold views, especially towards Israel and Jews, that are unacceptable in the rest of society and not reflective of Muslims as a whole.
These thrive in the echo-chambers of insular communities, places where cousin marriage is commonplace and women wear face coverings in public.
The advantages of opening up such communities would not just be felt in the area of combatting antisemitism, but also by Muslim women themselves.
Last year there were 2,949 honour-based crimes in England and Wales, including 125 forced marriages and 109 female genital mutilations. (And that is just the ones we know of; under-reporting is rife.)
In terms solely of combating antisemitism, more resources need to be put into censoring extremist propaganda, investigating Arabic websites and chatboxes, deporting foreign extremists, supporting anti-extremism programs, enhanced undercover policing and surveillance of mosques, charities and community centres, and helping and supporting genuine moderates, who are often bullied and intimidated by extremists.
This needs to be done immensely carefully, in a way that does not leave the wider, decent, law-abiding Muslim community feeling victimised.
For there is a serious danger that extremist – the word ‘radical’ is a liberal panacea – views are becoming adopted by mainstream Muslims. In Britain a recent survey has revealed that 44% of British Muslims agree that Jewish people are more loyal to Israel than to the UK. Roughly 34% believe Jews have too much control over global banking, and 33% believe they hold disproportionate political influence.
Studies by the Institute for Jewish Policy Research meanwhile indicate that while 55% of surveyed Muslims endorsed at least one anti-Semitic trope, compared to much lower proportions among the wider public.
The same trend is being seen in foreign affairs.
The think tank Policy Exchange – of which I’m proud to be a trustee – has reported how, ‘While 8% of people in the UK view Iran favourably, this rises to nearly two in five people – 39% – among British Muslims.
While 8% of the wider population have a favourable view of Russia, this rises to 29% for British Muslims.
Fifteen per cent of the general population have a favourable view of China, rising to 38% for British Muslims.
Compared to the wider public, the relatively youthful British Muslim population are more likely to digest information and material on the conflict from channels such as Qatar-headquartered Al Jazeera, social media platforms such as TikTok and Instagram, and podcasts/YouTube commentators.’
We also need to tell the difficult truth about the war in Gaza.
Israel has a population of 10.4 million and Australia is 2.6 times larger, at around 27.3 million.
Were 3,091 Australians to be murdered by a neighbouring terrorist organization, and a further 652 Australians been taken hostage, there would have been no lengths to which your country would not rightly have gone to avenge the dead and release the hostages.
We need to judge the Israeli Defence Forces by fair criteria.
The hundreds of miles of very deep tunnels under Gaza, and the willingness – indeed eagerness – of Hamas to use the Gazan population as human shields made the IDF’s operation fiendishly difficult, yet the war was fought with exemplary ethical consideration by the IDF, considering the horrendous circumstances.
Local populations were given warnings to leave the areas about to be bombarded, in a way that very few ever have been before in military history.
And we need to define free speech better. We must remind people that our treasured right to freedom of expression, fought and won by our forefathers, does not extend to incitement to violence, which is a criminal offence. For the connection between hate speech and violence could not be clearer.
In April 2024 an imam at the Al-Sunnah Mosque, a registered charity in Cheetham Hill, Manchester, told worshippers, ‘God grant victory to Islam and cherish the Muslims, humiliate polytheism and the polytheists … God deal with the Zionists, you are the most merciful, God deal with the Zionist aggressors, God seize them with the seizing of the Mighty, you are the most merciful.’
Two of the regular worshipers at that mosque, Jihad al-Shamie and Mohammad Bashir, were caught on camera discussing martyrdom inside the mosque, and on Yom Kippur last October they murdered Adrian Daulby and Melvin Cravitz at the Heaton Park Hebrew Congregation synagogue. Antisemitism is not an expression of free speech: it is in and of itself an incitement to violence.
This is an edited extract of Lord Andrew Roberts’s Centre for Independent Studies’ 2026.
I will reprise this report again on 7 October, the anniversary of this depraved Palestinian genocide of Jewish civilians in Israel, to remind the haters and misinformed of the facts, the details, of how wrong or in denial they are and, no, there was no genocide, no deliberate targeting of civilians by the IDF, in Gaza.
That is yet another lie I will expose in detail.
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